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29 May 2021 12:24:31 UTC
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97996
Author: Nathan Wolff
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Not Quite Hope and Other Political Emotions in the Gilded Age argues that late nineteenth-century US fiction grapples with and helps to conceptualize the disagreeable feelings that are both a threat to citizens agency and an inescapable part of the emotional life of democracythen as now. In detailing the corruption and venality for which the period remains known, authors including Mark Twain, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Henry Adams, and Helen Hunt Jacksonevoked the depressing inefficacy of reform, the lunatic passions of the mob, and the revolting appetites of lobbyists and office seekers. Readers and critics of these Washington novels, historical romances, and satiric romans a clef have denounced these books fiercely negative tone, seeing it as a sign ofcynicism and elitism. Not Quite Hope argues, in contrast, that their distrust of politics is coupled with an intense investment in it not quite apathy, but not quite hope. Chapters examine both common and idiosyncratic forms of political emotion, including crazy love, disgust, cynicism, election fatigue, and the myriad feelings of hatred and suspicion provoked by the figure of the hypocrite. In so doing, the book corrects critics too-narrow focus on sympathy as the American novels model political emotion. We think of reform novels as fostering feeling for fellow citizens or for specific causes. This volume argues that Gilded Age fiction refocusesattention on the unstable emotions that continue to shape our relation to politics as such. **Review Full of splendid insight and erudition, Not Quite Hope and Other Political Emotions in the Gilded Age offers a striking new way to understand the literature of that raucous era. Tracing the negative emotions authors associated with the institutions of American politics, Nathan Wolff shows how disgust, depression, and cynicism can still express an undeclared refusal to passively accept democracys failings and can become the ground for new political desires and negotiations. Wolff has written a timely and truly accomplished book. -- Nancy Bentley, Donald T. Regan Professor of English, University of Pennsylvania What better time than now to encounter a book that contends so scrupulously with an aversive attachment to politics in the American grain? With great theoretical agility -- and through acute and vividly counterintuitive readings of post-bellum figures like Twain, Stowe, DuBois, and Helen Hunt Jackson -- Nathan Wolff expands our conceptual vocabulary for thinking about political emotion, tuning us to affects that do not parse especially easily in the familiar grammars of sentimentality but that are not, his readings show, quite so anti-democratic as our histories of Gilded Age fiction have led us to believe. Not Quite Hope is an exemplary work of literary historicism, affect theory, and political imagination. -- Peter Coviello, Professor of English, University of Illinois-Chicago What does democracy feel like? Nathan Wolffs superb study lays bare the complex ambivalences of political emotion during Americas first Gilded Age, a period with revealing correspondences to our own. Probing a diffuse set of almost-always-negative feelings that surrounded political activity during this anxious era -- agitation, madness, repulsion, depression, suspicion, cynicism, and exhaustion -- Not Quite Hope shows convincingly how the postbellum political novel yearned to engage with institutional democracy even as it recoiled from it. An essential book for understanding political affect both then and now. -- William Gleason, Hughes-Rogers Professor of English and American Studies, Princeton University About the Author bNathan Wolffb is Assistant Professor of English at Tufts University. His past work has appeared in the journals American Literary History, J19 The Journal of Nineteenth-Century Americanists, and English Literary History.
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1 year ago
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150226
Author: Ian F. Haney Lopez
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Lily white. White knights. The white dove of peace. White lie, white list, white magic. Our language and our culture are suffused, often subconsciously, with positive images of whiteness. Whiteness is so inextricably linked with the status quo that few whites, when asked, even identify themselves as such. And yet when asked what they would have to be paid to live as a black person, whites give figures running into the millions of dollars per year, suggesting just how valuable whiteness is in American society.Exploring the social, and specifically legal origins, of white racial identity, Ian F. Haney Lopez here examines cases in Americas past that have been instrumental in forming contemporary conceptions of race, law, and whiteness. In 1790, Congress limited naturalization to white persons. This racial prerequisite for citizenship remained in force for over a century and a half, enduring until 1952. In a series of important cases, including two heard by the United States Supreme Court, judges around the country decided and defined who was white enough to become American.White by Law traces the reasoning employed by the courts in their efforts to justify the whiteness of some and the non- whiteness of others. Did light skin make a Japanese person white? Were Syrians white because they hailed geographically from the birthplace of Christ? Haney Lopez reveals the criteria that were used, often arbitrarily, to determine whiteness, and thus citizenship skin color, facial features, national origin, language, culture, ancestry, scientific opinion, and, most importantly, popular opinion. Having defined the social and legal origins of whiteness, White by Law turns its attention to white identity today and concludes by calling upon whites to acknowledge and renounce their privileged racial identity.From Publishers WeeklyIn this study, narrowly academic yet intriguing, Lopez, who teaches law at the University of Wisconsin, examines early-20th-century cases in which courts sought to determine who qualified as white for the purposes of citizenship and naturalization. His conclusion whiteness is a complex, falsely homogenizing term. For example, he shows how courts issued contradictory decisions regarding the whiteness of groups such as Syrians, Armenians and Asian Indians some followed scientific evidence, while most ultimately relied on common knowledge, thus finding many reasons?including culture and political sophistication?to reject foreigners who might be Caucasian. This leads the author to argue, a bit thinly, that whites must pursue a self-deconstructive race consciousness to pursue racial justice. Thus, whites must recognize the racial aspects of their privileged identity and daily engage in choosing against Whiteness one example would be to resist racist slurs, even to the point of claiming a nonwhite racial identity when hearing them. 1995 Reed Business Information, Inc. From Library JournalWords carry social connotations. Some, like lily white, have positive connotations. With this sense of whiteness as his thesis, Lopez (law, Univ. of Wisconsin) writes of the laws recognition of a white racial identity. He focuses on a series of cases, from 1878 to 1944, known as the racial prerequisite cases. In those cases, state and federal courts sought to define characteristics of whiteness necessary to qualify an immigrant for naturalization as a U.S. citizen. Lopez concludes that the basis of todays racial inequality is to be found in the privileged status accorded to white Americans because of this legally sanctioned white racial identity. Sure to be controversial, this book will find a deserved place in academic libraries. The general reader might be advised to turn to Andrew Hackers Two Nations (LJ 31592), John Hope Franklins The Color Line (LJ 3193), and Cornel Wests Race Matters (LJ 31593).?Jerry E. Stephens, U.S. Court of Appeals Lib., Oklahoma City 1995 Reed Business Information, Inc.
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Created
1 year ago
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application/pdf
English